August 29, 2008

A Book Review of Solidarity Divided: The Crisis In Organized Labor and A New Path Toward Social Justice, by Bill Fletcher, Jr., and Fernando Gapasin


Color of Law
By David A. Love
BlackCommentator.com
August 28, 2008

Whither labor movement?

Should labor unions concern themselves solely with the wages and benefits of their own dues-paying membership, or should they also care about the plight of the unemployed? Should labor focus merely on conditions of workers in the United States, or broaden their scope to address globalization and the international flows of capital? And what about building a movement for social, racial and economic justice? These are some of the fundamental questions posed in a new book called Solidarity Divided: The Crisis In Organized Labor and A New Path Toward Social Justice (University of California Press, 2008, 324 pp.).

The authors of Solidarity Divided are Bill Fletcher, Jr., BlackCommentator.com Executive Editor and longtime activist, and Fernando Gapasin, Central Labor Council President and labor educator. Perhaps no two individuals are better equipped to provide a critique of labor’s mistakes, and offer solutions for the future of the movement.

The troubling picture painted by Fletcher and Gapasin is of a labor movement that has been, as they articulate, “too pale, too stale, and too male” to address the everyday realities of working people and the poor. And the history of labor unions is one of missed opportunities and missteps, of acting too often as a cheerleader for predatory companies and policies and against the interests of labor, of allowing divide and conquer tactics to prevail at the expense of workers of color in the South and elsewhere, and of rubberstamping America’s foreign policy and antidemocratic tendencies toward empire building.

Much to its credit, the book takes the reader through a history of labor struggles in the U.S., and shows how union leaders, frequently myopic and lacking in vision and an understanding of geopolitics and global economic forces, threw working people under the bus. Leftist leaders and ideologies were purged from the unions. With a strong anti-communist stance in many unions came an unquestioned support for capitalism as it is - rather than a new vision for the nation which champions the working class and demands social justice - and a not-so-tacit approval of America’s military exploits abroad. White workers signed on to the exploitation of their Black and Brown counterparts, not realizing that a divided organized labor compromised their own bargaining power in the process.

The Right destroyed social movements in the U.S. with its assaults on civil rights and liberties, a war on a woman’s right to choose and the war on drugs. Many union leaders identified with the policies of the Right and cozied up to its leaders. As they lived well and dined on sumptuous meals with the people in power, they did not realize that their unions were being destroyed as well.

Today, in a world of mortgage foreclosure mania, rising fuel costs, an eviscerated and decimated middle class, and the largest upward redistribution of wealth in history, a revitalized union movement is more crucial than ever. But are the unions up to the task? In order to remain relevant, the authors suggest, labor must move beyond the traditional construct of collective bargaining agreements, and become champions for socio-economic justice, racial and gender equality, environmental justice and immigrants’ rights.

Under the new realities of this world, the traditional union tactics are rendered obsolete. The old constructs of labor organizing are wholly inadequate to address the now dominant form of global capitalism, a pernicious neoliberalism which places the U.S. at the top, lowers wages and eliminates other barriers to making profits, and responds to its critics by labeling them as terrorists and waging unilateral wars against them.

The authors note that the reorganization of global capitalism has turned the capitalist state into a neoliberal authoritarian state, one which privatizes everything and eliminates the public sphere, uses state violence to quell dissent, and maintains a quasi-permanent state of siege. The post 9-11 regime of torture, spying and manufactured bogeymen is a manifestation of this mentality, but so too is the government’s callous response to the victims of Hurricane Katrina. And the failure to recognize and respond to these realities has placed unions on the sidelines. A new solidarity movement must form coalitions with other social justice organizations across borders, engage in a true class-based struggle, and understand the links between the interests of multinational corporations and American foreign policy.

You must read Solidarity Divided. Fletcher and Gapasin provide a superior narrative of the road the labor movement has traveled, and chart the path it must now take for its own survival.

August 7, 2008

One year after Jena tree was cut, little progress has been made


By David A. Love
Progressive Media Project
July 31, 2008

We have made some progress since the ugly incidents in Jena, La. But we still have a long way to go to make the noose a thing of the past.

On August 31, 2006, a black student at Jena High School asked the principal if he could have permission to sit under the "white tree," the tree where white students typically congregated. The principal told the student to sit wherever he liked. The student and his friends decided to sit under the white tree.

The next day, three nooses — a potent symbol of racial hate — were found hanging from the tree, the act of three white students at the high school. This prompted a protest under the tree by the school's black students.

LaSalle Parish District Attorney Reed Walters told the black students they were making too much of the "prank."

"I can take away your lives with a stroke of my pen,” Walters told the students.

It was a vow that Walters made good on.

After a fight on December 4, 2006, between black students and one of the white students who had done some of the racial taunting, Walters charged six black students with attempted second-degree murder.

Mychal Bell, 17, the first of the students to stand trial, eventually pled guilty to a lesser charge and was sentenced to 18 months in a juvenile facility with credit for time served. Charges were reduced for a number of the other men as well, but their cases are on hold as an appeals court decides whether to remove the judge in the case for showing bias in the proceedings.

On July 31, 2007, the tree was cut down. And on Sept. 20, tens of thousands of marchers converged on the town of 3,000 residents to protest racial discrimination in Jena's legal system.

But those who believe that the Jena was an isolated incident should give it a second thought.

There has been a dramatic increase in the number of noose hangings since the Jena incident, according to DiversityInc magazine. It notes about 80 noose incidents in schools, government offices, the workplace and public places in the last 11 months. And according to the Southern Poverty Law Center, the number of hate groups in America has increased from 602 groups in 2000 to 844 in 2006.

The good news is that Louisiana, New York and Connecticut have made noose hanging an offense punishable by prison. Hopefully, other states will follow suit.

But it will be difficult to do so if broadcasters keep tossing the word around. In January 2008, when Golf Channel commentator Nick Faldo suggested that other professional golf players should "gang up" on Tiger Woods to beat him, broadcaster Kelly Tilghman added that they should "lynch him in a back alley."

And on Feb. 19, 2008, Fox News host Bill O'Reilly said on his radio program: "I don't want to go on a lynching party against Michelle Obama unless there's evidence, hard facts, that say this is how the woman really feels. If that's how she really feels — that America is a bad country or a flawed nation, whatever — then that's legit. We'll track it down."

We should have zero tolerance for nooses in America. And lynching is not a metaphor to be thrown around lightly.

Some 3,500 blacks were lynched in this country between 1882 and 1968.

This should not be the stuff of pranks or cranks.